Xenon1898 | 1 points | Apr 22 2021 06:27:47

&rt;我必须在这里明确地声明一件事，德国尽了自己应尽的义务。生活在德国的少数民族没有遭受迫害，没有受到蹂躏，没有被剥夺权利。任何人都不能说我们那样做了！
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&rt;I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this.
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&rt;Address by Adolf Hitler - September 1, 1939

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希特勒闪击波兰前发动二战的标志性演讲

&rt;“几个月以来，我们都在忍受着折磨。这个折磨在不断加剧，直到我们再也难以承受。”
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&rt;但泽，过去是，现在仍然是德国的城市。入海通道过去是，现在仍然也是属于德国。这座城市和港口的文化发展归功于德国人民。但泽从我们的国土分离了出去，港口被波兰所强占。和德国东部的其他领土一样，在那里居住的德国少数民族，遭受着最为凄苦的虐待。100多万有着德国血统的人，在1919年---1920年被迫离开了家乡。
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&rt;我一直都在努力，试图通过和平方式把它收回来。我提出建议修改条约，改变这使人难以忍受的状况。外国说我们修改条约唯一的方式是通过施加压力而实现，这是一个谎言。15年前，民主社会党执政时，我们有机会在相互谅解的基础上和平解决这一问题。从最初开始，我不止一次，而是多次提出建议改变这难以忍受的状况。正如大家所看到的，所有这些建议都被拒绝了，包括最小限度的修订，甚至包括在可能的情况下实行非军事化的建议、限制战争的建议和消除某些现代战争手段的建议在内，都被拒绝了。大家都知道，我的建议旨在恢复德国领土的主权。大家也知道，我曾做过无数次努力，通过和平手段在奥地利问题上澄清事实，达成谅解，此后又对苏台德、波西米亚和莫纳维亚问题提出过同样的建议，所有这一切都是徒劳。
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&rt;对于难以忍受的状况，都说应该通过和平手段加以改变，而同时和平解决建议却一次又一次被拒绝，所以这种方式提出这样的要求是不符合实际的。如果谁要解决这些问题，就说谁违背了“法律”。凡尔赛条约对我们来说并不是法律，所以说我们违背法律同样也是不符合事实的。你拿着手枪对着我的脑袋，让数百万人民遭受着饥饿的威胁，强迫我们在合约上签字，然后有着我们签字的文件就这样出笼，被宣布为庄严的法律。
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&rt;同时，我也曾试图做出努力， 提出通过和平谈判解决但泽和入海通道的问题等。很明显，这些问题已经不得不解决了。对我们来说不难理解，西方大国对什么时候解决这些问题毫无兴趣，但是解决的时间对我们来说却不是无关紧要的问题。而且，对那些饱受痛苦的人，解决的时间不是，也不可能是漠不关心的问题。
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&rt;从我上次在德国国会的讲话中，大家可以看出我同波兰政治家们谈判时讨论过的想法。无论如何没有人会说和平解决是要在重度压力下才可能实现的。然后我又提出了德国的最终建议（16点提议）。我必须重申，没有任何建议比我的建议更诚恳，更谦虚。我要把它讲给全世界听。只有处在我的位置，才可以提出这样的建议，因为我知道这样做将把我推到无数国人的对立面。这些建议被拒绝了，首先不仅回答是强势的，而且还带着越来越多的恐吓和对德意志爱国者的压力，其次在经济上，政治上放缓但泽作为自由城市的进程，最近几周又用上了军事和运输的遏制手段。波兰把反对的矛头指向了但泽自由城，而且波兰也不准备合情合理地，用双方都认为公正的方式解决入海通道问题，它根本就没有考虑对少数民族承担义务。
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&rt;我必须在这里明确地声明一件事，德国尽了自己应尽的义务。生活在德国的少数民族没有遭受迫害，没有受到蹂躏，没有被剥夺权利。任何人都不能说我们那样做了！4个月来，尽管我没有停止过对他们的警告，我还是在冷静地观察着事态的发展。3周前，我向波兰大使馆通报，如果波兰继续以最后通牒的方式向但泽发照会，如果波兰方面不结束旨在破坏但泽贸易的海关措施，德意志帝国是不会置之不理的。我觉得，那些把今天的德国和过去的德国同等看待，那他们就是自欺欺人！
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&rt;为了证明德国人受到了压制，我们指出他们已经采取了挑衅行动。这些妇女儿童受到虐待，有的还自杀了，我不知道他们对这些对妇女和儿童的挑衅是以何种方式实施的，但是有一件事我知道，没有一个有尊严的强大的国家能够长期容忍下去，眼看着这样的事件发生而袖手旁观（著名的布朗伯格大屠杀就是个例子）。
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&rt;我也曾做出最后一次努力，接受英国政府中间调停的建议。英国建议，应该由他们主持协商，而德国和波兰要直接接触后，再进行谈判。我要说明，我接受了这一建议，确定了谈判的基调，这一点大家都知道。整整两天，我坐在政府的办公室，看看波兰是否派全权代表过来。直到最后一夜，他们也没有派全权代表来，而是通知我们通过大使来谈判，他们还正在考虑是否接受英国的协商建议，以及他们在谈判中处于什么地位。波兰政府还说，他们将把决定通报英国政府。派副手来谈判，如果德国政府和它的领袖能够耐心地忍受这种对待，那德国就应该从政治舞台上消失。
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&rt;我错误地估计了形势，是否我的爱好和平，我的忍耐程度被错误地看成是软弱和怯懦。所以在随后那天晚上，我决定通报英国政府，在这种情况下我再也不愿和波兰政府进行严肃的谈判了。
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&rt;这一中间调解的建议失败了，此时作为对建议的回应，波兰首先进行了总动员，然后波兰又出现了更多的暴行。这些暴行一直持续到昨天晚上。在最近的一天晚上就发生了21起边境时事件：仅昨天晚上就发生了14起边境事件，其中有3起非常严重。因此，我决定用几个月来波兰对我们使用的语言做出回应。
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&rt;就我们德国的态度而言，是不会改变的。 其他欧洲国家是能够理解我们态度的。我首先应该感谢意大利。意大利自始至终是支持我们的，但是你们要知道，在斗争中我们并不企图向外国做出呼吁请求援助，我们要单独承担这项任务。持中间态度的国家表示他们将严守中立的立场，正如我们对他们做出的保证一样。
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&rt;西方的政治家宣称，这影响到了他们的利益，对此我只能表示遗憾。这不能使我有一刻对履行职责产生丝毫犹豫。他们还期望得到更多的什么呢？我已经郑重地向他们做出了保证，而且一再重复我对这些西方国家一无所求，从来不向他们要任何东西。我反复地向英国表示友好，如果有必要可以和他们亲密合作，但是这不能只由单方做出姿态，我要从对方得到回应。 德国对西方国家没有任何兴趣，我们西部的界墙任何时候都是德国西部的边界。未来在那里我们也没有任何企图。我们这一保证是庄严诚挚的，只要别人不违背他们的中立立场，我们会同样极力去遵循自己的立场。
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&rt;我非常乐意能够告诉你们一个最近所发生的事件。你们都知道俄国和德国是有着不同信条的两个国家，我们和他们之间只有一个问题需要澄清。德国没有企图向他们输出自己主义。假如苏维埃俄国没有输出他们自己主义的企图，我看就再也没有相互对抗的理由了。双方都很清楚这一点。两国人民之间的争斗，都是因为一方对另一方占有优势，因此我们下决心和他们达成默契，永远排除在我们两国之间使用武力。这一默契为我们规定了义务，在欧洲特定的问题上共同协商。这就可以使我们之间有可能进行经济合作，最重要的是它将使这些大国不会用武力来对付对方。西方国家想改变这一状况的每一个企图都必将失败。同时我还想在这里宣布，这一政治决定意味着开启未来，这是一个最终的决定。俄国和德国在世界大战中曾发生过战争，但是绝不会再发生第二次战争。在莫斯科，这一条约也像你们欢迎它一样受到欢迎。我能够把俄国外交人民委员莫洛托夫的讲话一字不漏的背诵出来。
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&rt;我下决心要解决的问题，一是但泽问题，二是海上通道问题，三是期望德国和波兰的关系能够保证做到和平共处。我决心继续争取现在的波兰政府同意实现这种改变，直到下一届政府也准备这样做。我下定决心排除德国边界上的任何不确定因素，结束那种长久的像内战一样的气氛。我将努力使东方的边界像西方边界一样和平。我在国民议会所做的建议全世界都知道了，我将采取措施保证不受到他们的反驳，也就是说不会对妇女儿童发生战争。无论如何，敌人认为他们可以签署一张空头支票，而用其他方式开战的话，那他得到的回答将是：他聋了耳朵，瞎了眼睛。 昨天夜里，波兰正规部队的士兵首次在我们的领土上开了火。从上午5:45 起，我们进行了回击，那里从现在开始将炮火连天。谁要是使用毒气瓦斯，那他将受到毒气瓦斯的回击。谁要是脱离了人道战争的轨道，他等待的只能是我们的以牙还牙。无论是对谁开战，我都将把战争进行下去，直到我们的国家的安全和权利得到保障！
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&rt;6年来我一直都在构筑德国的防御体系。在建设德国防御武装上我们的花费超过了九千万德国马克。现在我们这支部队已经是1914年的德国不对所不可比拟的了，他们有了最好的装备，我对这支部队的信心不可动摇。当我要召集这支部队的时候，当我要他们为德国人民做出牺牲，必要时甚至牺牲一切的时候，我有权力做得到，因为我已经完全做好了准备，像过去一样，做出所有的牺牲。我不要求哪个德国人做的比我自己在过去4年中任何时候所做的更多。对德国人来说没有什么困难，我也不会向困难屈服。自此以后，我的整个生命将永远属于我的民族。从现在开始，我就是德意志共和国的第一个战士。我又一次穿上军装，对我来说神圣而又珍贵的军装。我将永远不再脱下军装，直到我们胜利，否则我将不会再生存下去！
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&rt;如果我在战争中有什么不测，我的继承者将是我党的戈林同志；如果戈林同志有什么不测，下一个继承者将是赫斯同志。你们有责任像对待我一样，把他们作为国家元首无限忠诚和服从。如果赫斯同志有什么不测，按照法律将召开议会，从中选出最适合的人---也就是最勇敢的继承者。
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&rt;作为一名国家社会党人，也作为一名德国战士，我将怀着一颗勇敢的心去参加战斗。我的整个生命不是别的，就是一颗为我的民族而战，为它的复兴而战，为德国而战。这场战争只有一个口号：忠诚于民族。有一个字我从来没有学会：那就是“屈服”。如果有人认为我们正面临着困难时期，那么我就要他记住，曾经有一个普鲁士君王，以一个极其弱小的国家同一个强大的军事联盟相对抗，三场战争下来，最终胜利了，因为这个国家有一颗勇敢的心，我们时代所需要的勇敢的心。我想向全世界做出保证，1918年12月将永远不会在德国历史上重现。正如我自己已经在任何时候都做好了准备拿我的生命做赌注，为了我的民族谁都可以拿去它，所以我也要求其他德国人都这样去做。
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&rt;任何人，要想和这个全国统帅相对抗，直接地或者非直接地，他必定要失败。我们和叛国者毫不相干。我们都遵循着我们古老的信条，我们是否能活着，这一点并不重要，但是我们的民族在活着，这才是至关重要的，德国要活下去。现在要求我们做出的牺牲并不比很多先辈们已经做出的牺牲更多。如果我们用誓言建立一个紧密联系在一起的社会，那就做好一切准备吧，下决心永不屈服，这样我们就能征服一切艰难困苦。我愿意重温我在德意志共和国就职时做出的誓言。那时候我曾说：“如果我们的意志足够坚强，没有什么艰难和痛苦可以使我们屈服，我们的意志，我们的德国将横扫一切！”

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Translated from:

https://fcit.usf.edu/holocaust/resource/document/HITLER1.htm

Address by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, before the Reichstag, September 1, 1939.

&rt;For months we have been suffering under the torture of a problem which the Versailles Diktat created - a problem which has deteriorated until it becomes intolerable for us. Danzig was and is a German city. The Corridor was and is German. Both these territories owe their cultural development exclusively to the German people. Danzig was separated from us, the Corridor was annexed by Poland. As in other German territories of the East, all German minorities living there have been ill-treated in the most distressing manner. More than 1,000,000 people of German blood had in the years 1919-1920 to leave their homeland.
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&rt;As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. Fifteen years before the National Socialist Party came to power there was the opportunity of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. On my own initiative I have, not once but several times, made proposals for the revision of intolerable conditions. All these proposals, as you know, have been rejected - proposals for limitation of armaments and even, if necessary, disarmament, proposals for limitation of warmaking, proposals for the elimination of certain methods of modern warfare. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria, and later of the problem of the Sudetenland, Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain.
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&rt;It is impossible to demand that an impossible position should be cleared up by peaceful revision and at the same time constantly reject peaceful revision. It is also impossible to say that he who undertakes to carry out these revisions for himself transgresses a law, since the Versailles Diktat is not law to us. A signature was forced out of us with pistols at our head and with the threat of hunger for millions of people. And then this document, with our signature, obtained by force, was proclaimed as a solemn law.
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&rt;In the same way, I have also tried to solve the problem of Danzig, the Corridor, etc., by proposing a peaceful discussion. That the problems had to be solved was clear. It is quite understandable to us that the time when the problem was to be solved had little interest for the Western Powers. But that time is not a matter of indifference to us. Moreover, it was not and could not be a matter of indifference to those who suffer most.
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&rt;In my talks with Polish statesmen I discussed the ideas which you recognize from my last speech to the Reichstag. No one could say that this was in any way an inadmissible procedure on undue pressure. I then naturally formulated at last the German proposals, and I must once more repeat that there is nothing more modest or loyal than these proposals. I should like to say this to the world. I alone was in the position to make such proposal, for I know very well that in doing so I brought myself into opposition to millions of Germans. These proposals have been refused. Not only were they answered first with mobilization, but with increased terror and pressure against our German compatriots and with a slow strangling of the Free City of Danzig - economically, politically, and in recent weeks by military and transport means.
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&rt;Poland has directed its attacks against the Free City of Danzig. Moreover, Poland was not prepared to settle the Corridor question in a reasonable way which would be equitable to both parties, and she did not think of keeping her obligations to minorities.
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&rt;I must here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this.
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&rt;For four months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I informed the Polish Ambassador three weeks ago that if Poland continued to send to Danzig notes in the form of ultimata, and if on the Polish side an end was not put to Customs measures destined to ruin Danzig's trade, then the Reich could not remain inactive. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves.
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&rt;An attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch such events.
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&rt;I made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the British Government. They proposed, not that they themselves should carry on the negotiations, but rather that Poland and Germany should come into direct contact and once more pursue negotiations.
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&rt;I must declare that I accepted this proposal, and I worked out a basis for these negotiations which are known to you. For two whole days I sat in my Government and waited to see whether it was convenient for the Polish Government to send a plenipotentiary or not. Last night they did not send us a plenipotentiary, but instead informed us through their Ambassador that they were still considering whether and to what extent they were in a position to go into the British proposals. The Polish Government also said that they would inform Britain of their decision.
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&rt;Deputies, if the German Government and its Leader patiently endured such treatment Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice. I, therefore, decided last night and informed the British Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any willingness on the part of the Polish Government to conduct serious negotiations with us.
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&rt;These proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of all, came as an answer the sudden Polish general mobilization, followed by more Polish atrocities. These were again repeated last night. Recently in one night there were as many as twenty-one frontier incidents: last night there were fourteen, of which three were quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to Poland in the same language that Poland for months past has used toward us. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change.
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&rt;The other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all to thank Italy, which throughout has supported us, but you will understand that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them.
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&rt;When statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfill my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything. I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it.
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&rt;I am happy particularly to be able to tell you of one event. You know that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one question that had to be cleared up. Germany has no intention of exporting its doctrine. Given the fact that Soviet Russia has no intention of exporting its doctrine to Germany, I no longer see any reason why we should still oppose one another. On both sides we are clear on that. Any struggle between our people would only be of advantage to others. We have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which rules out for ever any use of violence between us. It imposes the obligation on us to consult together in certain European questions. It makes possible for us economic co-operation, and above all it assures that the powers of both these powerful States are not wasted against one another. Every attempt of the West to bring about any change in this will fail.
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&rt;At the same time I should like here to declare that this political decision means a tremendous departure for the future, and that it is a final one. Russia and Germany fought against one another in the World War. That shall and will not happen a second time. In Moscow, too, this pact was greeted exactly as you greet it. I can only endorse word for word the speech of Russian Foreign Commissar, Molotov.
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&rt;I am determined to solve (1) the Danzig question; (2) the question of the Corridor; and (3) to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Polish government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Polish Government is ready to do so. I am resolved t remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers.
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&rt;In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight.
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&rt;This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5.45 A.M. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met by bombs. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured.
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&rt;For six years now I have been working on the building up of the German defenses. Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defense forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice.
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&rt;I am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am from now on just first soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome.
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&rt;Should anything happen to me in the struggle then my first successor is Party Comrade Goring; should anything happen to Party Comrade Goring my next successor is Party Comrade Hess. You would then be under obligation to give to them as Fuhrer the same blind loyalty and obedience as to myself. Should anything happen to Party Comrade Hess, then by law the Senate will be called, and will choose from its midst the most worthy - that is to say the bravest - successor.
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&rt;As a National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a stout heart. My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my people, for its restoration, and for Germany. There was only one watchword for that struggle: faith in this people. One word I have never learned: that is, surrender.
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&rt;If, however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to remember that once a Prussian King, with a ridiculously small State, opposed a stronger coalition, and in three wars finally came out successful because that State had that stout heart that we need in these times. I would, therefore, like to assure all the world that a November 1918 will never be repeated in German history. Just as I myself am ready at any time to stake my life - anyone can take it for my people and for Germany - so I ask the same of all others.
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&rt;Whoever, however, thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly of indirectly, shall fall. We have nothing to do with traitors. We are all faithful to our old principle. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves live, but it is essential that our people shall live, that Germany shall live. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice that many generations have made. If we form a community closely bound together by vows, ready for anything, resolved never to surrender, then our will will master every hardship and difficulty. And I would like to close with the declaration that I once made when I began the struggle for power in the Reich. I then said: "If our will is so strong that no hardship and suffering can subdue it, then our will and our German might shall prevail."